By Mark Hendrickson
As soon as seen as a special period characterised through excessive bigotry, nostalgia for easier occasions, and a revulsion opposed to lively govt, the Nineteen Twenties were rediscovered through historians in fresh a long time as a time whilst Herbert Hoover and his allies labored to noticeably reform financial coverage. In American exertions and monetary Citizenship, Mark Hendrickson either augments and amends this view via learning the origins and improvement of latest period coverage services and data. Policy-oriented social scientists in executive, alternate union, educational, and nonprofit businesses confirmed how equipment for reaching strong fiscal development via elevated productiveness might either defang the feared enterprise cycle and defuse the trend of adversarial category relatives that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American procedure of commercial kin. associated via rising associations akin to the Social technological know-how examine Council, the nationwide city League, and the Women's Bureau, social investigators attacked rampant sexual and racial discrimination, frequently justified via incorrect organic arguments, that denied woman and minority staff complete monetary citizenship within the place of work and the polity. those students confirmed that those practices not just restricted productiveness and undercut elevated intake, but in addition belied the claims for equity that needs to buttress coverage visions in a democracy.
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Extra info for American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression
The failure of policy makers to recognize the experiences of diverse groups of workers when thinking about issues related to work and citizenship had, of course, real consequences. 38 Quoted in Alice Kessler-Harris, In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in 20th Century America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 97. For a similar sentiment from W. Jett Lauck, another important advocate of labor, see Leon Fink, Progressive Intellectuals and the Dilemmas of Democratic Commitment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 219.
Early in the decade, policy makers took comfort in their belief in a fundamental difference between the European immigrant and the Mexican migrant. The Mexican, it was understood, came to the United States for short bouts of intense labor in unskilled occupations in the fields and railroads of the Southwest. With no interest in or possibility of upward mobility in the United States, he inevitably returned to his native land. Agricultural interests, in particular, claimed that this exceptional migration stream provided laborers for industry without the burdens of citizenship.
Within the Department of Labor, the Women’s Bureau grew into an important organization that coordinated federal and state policies and built up an impressive body of knowledge demonstrating the need for legislated labor standards to protect poor workers and families regardless of gender. In doing so, WB advocates of protective legislation for women challenged Hooverite thinking. Though they consistently stressed the progress made by women in industry, their investigations found little evidence to support the notion that economic growth alone could be counted on to distribute income or opportunity fairly.
American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression by Mark Hendrickson