By Mahmoud Ezzamel, Noel Hyndman, Åge Johnsen, Irvine Lapsley
This e-book appears on the effectiveness of the 1999 restructuring of the united kingdom throughout the institution of the Scottish Parliament and the Assemblies for Northern eire and Wales, contemplating the method of devolution and its results at the key mechanisms of accounting and democratic responsibility. the various chapters during this ebook learn even if devolution is improving democratic responsibility, or making a fragmentary country with clash and tensions among the Westminster executive and the devolved our bodies. the focal point is at the monetary mechanisms for democratic responsibility either within the united kingdom and in overseas comparator international locations (New Zealand, Norway, and the US). This ebook examines the turbulent trend of relationships among significant and devolved executive and explores no matter if the current preparations for devolution within the united kingdom symbolize an finish video game, or whether or not they might be only a stepping stone to a extra totally fledged federal nation. it truly is argued that the most thrust of the various monetary reforms within the united kingdom has confounded, obfuscated, and intricate the need for democratic responsibility.
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Extra info for Accounting in Politics: Devolution and Democratic Accountability (Routledge Studies in Accounting)
Diﬀerently from the other devolved Assemblies, the Scottish Parliament is also given the power to vary income tax by up to three pence in a pound. However, the exercise of this power is subject to strong political The process of devolution in the UK 27 debate. Furthermore, the Parliament has control over local authority taxation in Scotland, and can raise revenue by charging fees for certain public services. Regarding the second innovative characteristic of the Scottish Parliament, the Convention aimed to model a parliament that was to be signiﬁcantly diﬀerent from the Westminster model (Mitchell, 2000: 606).
The criticisms of the Welsh Oﬃce were similar to the ones already examined for the Scottish Oﬃce. Griﬃths (1999: 794) argues that in Wales diﬀerent policies, through public expenditure, were implemented, as the result of two factors. First, territorial ministers had the option, in terms of ﬁnancial resources and autonomy, of undertaking their own policies. Second, they were operating in a political culture considered to be more consensual than the one in England. However, the same author concludes that ‘the level of Welsh autonomy was not appreciably greater at the end of the twentieth century than it was at its beginning’ (Griﬃths, 1999: 805).
The Assembly does not have the power of issuing primary legislation, but it is able to modify legislation in order to adapt it to speciﬁc Welsh needs. It does not have tax-varying powers, again distinguishing it from Scotland. The Cabinet is the main decision-making body within the Assembly. Members of the Cabinet carry out most of the Assembly’s functions by authority of the Assembly as a whole. The Government of Wales Act requires the Assembly to elect a First Minister to serve as the leader of the Cabinet and the political leader of the Assembly.
Accounting in Politics: Devolution and Democratic Accountability (Routledge Studies in Accounting) by Mahmoud Ezzamel, Noel Hyndman, Åge Johnsen, Irvine Lapsley