By Trevor G. Fenell, Henriki Gelson
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Extra info for A Grammar of Modern Latvian (Slavistic Printings and Reprintings ; No. 304) Vol.1
Barnen f¨orstod att det hj¨alpte/*gladde John att vara sn¨alla. ’ b. Barnen f¨orstod att a vara sn¨alla gladde/hj¨alpte John. ’ 24 Stiebels (2007) argues that psych predicates impose OC into subject clauses in German. I believe this to be a preference at most. 40 Background Landau (2001) argued that previous accounts of Super-Equi failed to capture the sensitivity of control to the psych/non-psych character of the predicate selecting the extraposed clause, thus predicting either uniform OC or uniform NOC.
Unaccusative properties. A salient difference between the subject of a raising predicate and the subject of a control predicate is the fact that the former is derived. Since raising verbs project no external argument, they qualify as unaccusative predicates. By contrast, subject controllers are always external arguments; hence, their predicates are unergative or transitive. 17 Ruwet (1972) observed that raising verbs permit en-cliticization of the partitive complement of their surface subject on the embedded verb, whereas control verbs do not (see also Rooryck 1992).
The two relevant readings are represented in (79). (79) a. Bound variable reading: Peter = Only x [x claimed x is the winner]. b. Strict reading: Peter = Only x [x claimed Peter is the winner]. 3 The OC signature 31 Property (74b) declares that PRO is unlike pronouns in that in OC contexts, it must be interpreted as a bound variable (whose binder is the controller), whereas normal pronouns normally allow either the bound variable or the strict reading. So far, I have only considered OC into complements.
A Grammar of Modern Latvian (Slavistic Printings and Reprintings ; No. 304) Vol.1 by Trevor G. Fenell, Henriki Gelson